Anastasia Bagalika
Ihor Kotelyanets
«We need help with publicity» — sister of Oleksiy Kyrychenko, civilian hostage held by the Russians
On Hromadske Radio, Liudmyla Kyrychenko, sister of Oleksiy Kyrychenko, civilian hostage held by the Russians, discusses his fate
Oleksiy Kyrychenko, a resident of the village of Mykhailivka in the Zaporizhzhia region, is a civilian hostage of the Russians. Formerly a police officer, he found himself under occupation following the full-scale invasion but refused to collaborate with the Russians. Consequently, he was dismissed from Ukrainian law enforcement. On August 23, 2023, the occupiers raided Oleksiy’s residence, conducted a search of his apartment, confiscated his Ukrainian passport, and abducted him.
About the detention
Liudmyla Kyrychenko: At the outset of the occupation, the Russians convened police officers and urged them to collaborate, to transition to the new occupation authorities. However, there wasn’t significant pressure at that time, so Oleksiy managed to evade it.
Initially, there was a sense that this occupation wouldn’t endure for long. With elderly relatives to care for, Oleksii was hesitant to depart for an extended period. Nevertheless, in August 2023, he was scheduled to depart for another country but didn’t manage to do so. On August 23, Russian soldiers raided his home and conducted a search.
During the summer of 2023, there was a rotation in the village—the military personnel changed. Prior to this, they were more lenient, but with the arrival of new personnel, such searches commenced. It’s likely they received orders to employ more forceful tactics.
It’s probable that someone who harbored ill will towards Oleksiy, perhaps due to his former police status, provided a tip-off. Detaining him would likely have served their interests.
Between August and September 2023, they not only targeted my brother’s residence but also conducted searches at other households. They conducted raids, detained individuals, but eventually released them. Hence, we held onto hope. Although we were uncertain of his whereabouts, we remained hopeful for his swift return.
Read also: «As long as there is no mechanism for the return of civilian prisoners, people will continue to die»
About the charges
Lyudmila Kyrychenko: For the initial three months, Oleksiy’s whereabouts remained unknown to us. The local commandant’s office shrugged off responsibility, claiming they had no information. Only on December 1, 2023, did we learn of his trial. He was accused of involvement in the planning of the August 2023 assassination attempt on collaborator Ivan Sushko.
Ihor Kotelyanets: Ivan Sushko serves as the head of the Mykhailivska occupation administration.
Liudmyla Kyrychenko: Others implicated in this case are all local civilians. While Oleksiy may have been acquainted with them in our small village, they were not close contacts. They weren’t friends, comrades, or colleagues.
One prevalent theory regarding the assassination attempt suggests that it was orchestrated by the Russians themselves. While this remains unconfirmed, speculation persists that Ivan Sushko had become a liability to them, leading them to engineer the plot. Perhaps he had refused to collaborate with them as he had previously.
We were informed of the impending trial just a day in advance. The mother of one of the accused managed to relay the news to us. We’re unsure how she obtained the information, but she approached our father and informed him that the trial was scheduled for December 1, the following day. Consequently, our father was able to attend the court session and see Oleksiy.
He witnessed the proceedings firsthand. As of December 1, there was no evidence against Oleksiy.
Oleksiy exhibited signs of physical exhaustion, bearing marks from handcuffs, significant weight loss, and evidence of beatings. It appears that these three months were likely focused on extracting confessions from him and the others.
During this period, they were not yet sentenced but were instead held in custody. We were aware then that he was detained in the Zaporizhzhia region. However, a few days later, he was transferred to Simferopol, to SIZO No. 2. Since then, he has been relocated multiple times between this detention center and the Zaporizhzhia region, but he is currently in Simferopol. He also underwent another trial in January 2024, during which his sentence was extended.
Read also: «We must insist on the unconditional release of everyone» — regarding the Strategy for the Release of Civilians
Legal defense and the state of the hostage
Liudmyla Kyrychenko: Presently, we have a state-appointed lawyer representing Oleksiy, a service provided from the outset. However, Oleksiy himself, through the letters he managed to send us via this lawyer, expressed his reluctance to cooperate with him.
Regrettably, our attempts to reach Crimean lawyers have been futile. Local lawyers have been hesitant to take on the case. It’s worth noting that this case has garnered significant attention in society due to the charges leveled against Oleksiy and the other participants, constituting terrorist activity.
Currently, we haven’t found an alternative lawyer who is readily available. While the lawyer can visit him, these visits are infrequent. We can send parcels if we visit Simferopol and deliver them there, but direct communication is impossible. Unfortunately, we cannot ascertain the extent to which he receives these parcels.
Regarding communication, our only means is through letters. In Russia, there’s an app called Zonatelecom, allowing us to send letters. However, there’s a suspicion that not all letters are delivered. Moreover, we haven’t received any letters from him in the past month due to malfunctions with the app.
Expressing the reality through this app is challenging due to censorship. Nonetheless, when we were able to receive letters, Oleksiy informed us of his dire condition and requested vitamins if possible. His physical health is deteriorating rapidly, as per his accounts.
According to his lawyer, his psychological state is also extremely poor. Even his interaction with the lawyer is limited. Concerns regarding his physical state persist, as he is reportedly not the same person as before, according to his legal representatives.
The lawyer is preparing us for the likelihood that the final official court hearing will occur in Rostov. We lack precise forecasts, but the projected sentence is around ten years or more, at least a decade.
I’ve also consulted with a lawyer from Donetsk experienced in similar cases. He mentioned that such hearings often extend for six months to a year, or even longer, before reaching a final verdict.
Read also: «Every inspection is torture» — a released hostage reflecting on his experience
Regarding state bodies
Liudmyla Kyrychenko: We have reached out to the Ombudsman. As of now, we’re aware that efforts are underway in this regard.
However, we haven’t been provided any indication that our situation could see resolution in the near future.
We’ve also requested contact with the Ombudsman on the Russian side. While this request was submitted, we’re uncertain of its status. It’s possible that there hasn’t been a response from the other side.
We need help with publicity. It’s imperative to raise awareness to ensure it isn’t forgotten. This is our primary objective. Additionally, we’re hopeful to establish connections with lawyers who may be willing to take on this case. We want them to understand that we’ve exhausted all avenues to protect him, despite the formidable challenges we face.
Read also: «Why don’t you want to live like in the Soviet Union?» The story of the captivity of the mayor of Hola Prystan
In times of war, the program «Free our relatives» tells the stories of people, cities, villages, and entire regions that have been captured by Russian invaders. We discuss the war crimes committed by the Kremlin and its troops against the Ukrainian people.
The program is hosted by Ihor Kotelyanets and Anastasia Bagalika.
This publication is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) in the framework of the Human Rights in Action Program implemented by Ukrainian Helsinki Human Rights Union. Opinions, conclusions and recommendations presented in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID, the United States Government. The contents are the responsibility of the authors.
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